“Nippon-go—America Come”

From Chin Kee Onn’s famous Malaya Upside Down, about the Japanese occupation of Malaya during WWII:

Hatred of the ‘communists’ became a Japanese obsession, and so great was it that anyone who had the slightest pro-Allied sentiment, anyone who made the slightest criticism against the Axis powers, anyone who listened to a short-wave radio, anyone who spread war-news, anyone who spoke ill of the Administration of any of its officers, anyone who ridiculed new served up by the newspapers, anyone who complained of the shortage of the necessities of life, anyone who complained of the high cost of living, anyone who made too many enquiries, anyone who talked about the worthlessness of military scrip, anyone who made a joke about Nippon-go, anyone who belittled the virtues of the Savings Campaigns, anyone who passed sarcastic remarks about the Heihos (volunteer auxiliary service corps), anyone who spoke against Nippon music, anyone who laughed at the I.N.A. (the Indian National Army), anyone who did not respect Nippon-zin, must be a communist!

What was the joke about Nippon-go?

Walls and advertisement boards would bear the caption ‘Nippon-go—America come’!

In other words, a joke about the military administration’s efforts to spread the Japanese language [= nippon-go] in Malaya. How interesting that the “communists” (real or imagined) hoped for the Americans.

Posted in Language, Malaysia, Politics

The Legacies of the “Boat People” in Asian America

I always struggle to express to undergraduates just how important it is to understand Asian American experiences from the community collectively known as the “Boat People.” Thanks to IPUMS-USA (Ruggles et al. 2015), though, I can make this figure. It summarizes the distribution of educational attainment for major census subgroups from the 2010 American Community Survey, for everyone aged 21-50.

education

This simple graphic summarizes very effectively how refugees from former French Indochina compare to other Asian and Pacific islanders. It can never replace a complete analysis of the experiences of actual communities, nor can it represent the many ways in which the legacies of war are experienced among millions of people in the U.S. (and Australia, and France,…) today. It does not suffice to explode the myth of the model minority. But I hope it can start the conversation.

REFERENCE

Steven Ruggles, Katie Genadek, Ronald Goeken, Josiah Grover, and Matthew Sobek. Integrated Public Use Microdata Series: Version 6.0 [Machine-readable database]. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 2015.

Posted in Asia, Teaching

Academic Jobs and Career Suicide

Imagine if we all just stopped believing that the only way to be an academic is to be constantly employed by a university. There—wouldn’t that make people’s lives a lot better? Let’s just do that.

Josh Parsons is my favorite contemporary academic philosopher because he took the time to give the world’s flags letter grades, he has likened LaTeX to a cargo cult, and he has the best advice for how to give a talk to get useful feedback. He has changed the way that I think about the flag of Brazil, operational languages, and the “matador technique.” Plus, he is not, nor has he ever been, a turnip.

Parsons has also written, at Daily Nous, what I consider to be one of the bravest posts about academic life that I’ve ever seen: The Career Move that Dare Not Speak Its Name, about resigning his academic position at Oxford. It is worth reading in its entirety, and with an open mind, especially the “objections” section.

Any academic who is dissatisfied with their job, be it permanent or temporary, is in relevantly the same position. The only reason it might seem otherwise is if you thought that a permanent academic job is an end in itself, and as someone who currently has one, I can tell you it’s not.

Also worth exploring is this followup by John Schwenkler, which invokes Martha Nussbaum in making the case that Parsons’ choice is literally tragic.

Posted in General, Research

The Culture of Political Culture in Indonesia and Malaysia

What do Jokowi‘s Mental Revolution and Abdullah Ahmad Badawi‘s Islam Hadhari have in common? They are both normative expressions of desire for a new kind of politics that is more ethical, just, humane, and progressive, even if they differ in how this ought to be manifest. But Mental Revolution and Islam Hadhari also share an assumption about what is wrong with the societies in which they would operate: they both appeal to problems of national character. They presuppose that “what is wrong” with politics ultimately lies with societies themselves, such that changing mass cultural mindsets is a precondition for political change. The problem, in other words, is political culture.

I explore this idea at greater length in an essay entitled “Adab and the Culture of Political Culture,” prepared for an upcoming conference on adab in Southeast Asia. Adab means something like manners or etiquette or comportment, and my brief is to write on its politics in Southeast Asia. But aside from a version of the mirrors-for-princes genre that can be found in classical Malay literature, it is hard to discern exactly what the politics of adab is. So instead, I reflect on the way that adab and words formed from it—beradab, peradaban, berkeadaban—are used both in popular discourse and by political elites. Doing so highlights, first, the general vagueness of how adab and its derivatives are actually used, but second, a common belief that politics is ultimately an expression of national character. A civilized politics (politik beradab) is an expression of a civilized nation.

I am not proposing that adab denotes a particular vision of political culture in Indonesia and Malaysia. Rather, that its use simply reflects a cultural predisposition to believe that political culture is somehow problematic. This is a “second-order political culture,” or a culture of political culture. There is surely nothing unique to Indonesia and Malaysia about this. However, it is easy to see how a culture of political culture is a convenient distraction from an alternative diagnosis of “what is wrong” with contemporary politics, one that focuses on the failures of politicians or political institutions.

Posted in Indonesia, Islam, Malaysia, Politics, Research

Simple Models for Complex Politics

Politics is complex. For scholars of comparative politics who study domestic politics in an increasingly globalized world, understanding the interactions among local, national, transnational, regional, and global forces is essential. So how should we proceed? One view is that grasping complexity means discarding simple theories and spare models of politics that do not reflect the complexity that we know exists. The position is intuitively appealing: complex problems require complex tools.

There is, however, another view. My colleague Andrew Little and I have recently finished a new paper on formal theory in comparative politics entitled “Simple Formal Models in Comparative Politics” (PDF). It is written as part of a dialogue on the future of comparative politics, and responds (in part) to work by Philippe Schmitter (see e.g. here) in which complexity[*], multi-level politics, and the dangers of simplifying assumptions figure prominently. Part of the paper is a clarification of the state of formal theory in comparative politics. We show that formal theory still occupies a relatively small part of the work being done in comparative politics, and that there is scant evidence that this is going to change any time soon. We also comment on some common beliefs about what models and assumptions are for which, sadly, remain all too common in the discipline.

But more interesting and broadly relevant is what comes next. We argue that in a world of complex interactions, simplification—in formal theory as in other kinds of theorizing—is a virtue, not a vice. We explain why in detail in the paper, but at root is the fact that theories are always simplifications, and descriptive accuracy is but one criterion by which a theory ought to be judged. We also suggest that professional incentives lead modelers to create formal models that are more complicated than they need to be. Our suggestions for how simple models of politics (formal or otherwise) might join together with the “complexity-embracing” modes of research is a nice parallel to recent contributions by Gehlbach (PDF) and Lorentzen et al (PDF). Our perspective on theory-as-simplification also parallels Healy’s colorful reflections on “nuance” (PDF).

So yes, the politics is complex, but this does not mean our theories must be also. Instead, we need multiple just-simple-enough theories, and continuous collaboration with case experts and other empiricists to know what “just-simple-enough” means.

Note

[*] Without speaking for my coauthor, I doubt that this is a particularly revolutionary idea when the term “complex interdependence” is nearly a century old, and prominent scholars have been asking questions like “is the traditional distinction between international relations and domestic politics dead?” longer than I have been alive (see Gourevitch 1978).

Posted in Research

Cowen on Understanding the GOP

Tyler Cowen proposes a way for non-Republicans to understand Republicans.

If you wish to try to understand Republicans, think of them as seeing a bunch of states, full of Republicans, and ruled by Republicans, and functioning pretty well. (Go visit Utah!) They think the rest of America should be much more like those places.

Those high functioning states (he cites this report) are North Dakota, Wyoming, Nebraska, Utah, and Iowa.

It is not obvious to me why Republicans would not look to the entire map of places that the GOP controls state government.

Maybe one clue is that those five states are among the whitest states in the country.

As an exercise, let’s ponder what “They think the rest of America should be much more like those places” means.

Posted in Current Affairs, Politics

It Gets Worse in Indonesia

Indonesia is in the midst of a dramatic upswing in anti-LGBT discourse. It has resulted in, for example, the national broadcasting regulator ruling that men on TV are not allowed to “talk like a woman,” Defense Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu alleging that homosexuality is a proxy war against the Indonesian nation, prominent politician Tifatul Sembiring tweeting (later deleted) hadith that condone the murder of homosexuals, and Tangerang mayor Arief R Wismansyah suggesting that instant noodles will make your baby gay. In my facebook feed, I find Indonesia acquaintances tearfully outraged at adoption by same-sex couples.

This is a big story and it deserves to be even bigger than it is. Important readings include Lester Feder describing the current anti-LGBT movement as a “moral panic,”, Ari Perdana writing (in Indonesian) on the origins of the movement, Intan Paramaditha on the LGBT panic reflecting “the anxiety regarding the idea of the nation, now experienced as wildly heterogeneous and elusive rather than cohesive,” and Farid Muttaqin’s call for Indonesian universities—whose tolerance for LGBT issues seems to have prompted the current outrage—to work ever harder to make gender and sexuality topics of public discussion and research.

There is something about the current LGBT panic in Indonesia that parallels other social and political trends that I have remarked upon recently, including re-militarization and the fear of disorder. Neither of these things are new to Indonesian politics and society, but they loom large at present. In this sense, I am particularly compelled by Intan Paramaditha’s analysis above.

Perhaps a more urgent point to convey to audiences from abroad, though, is that Indonesia’s LGBT moral panic is not, at root, an Islamic phenomenon. Conservative Islamist forces are surely homophobic (here, here, etc.), but there is also a conservative non-Islamist element in Indonesian politics which is equally ready to police free expression and gender “non-conformity.” I use scare quotes here because conformity requires a norm, and in much of Indonesia, that norm has historically not been the Dutch-imposed and New Order-reinforced Western male-female binary. See e.g. these descriptions of waria and bissu, both from Inside Indonesia.

Thus when the national broadcasting regulator holds that men talking or dressing like a woman

tidak sesuai dengan ketentuan penghormatan terhadap norma kesopanan dan kesusilaan yang berlaku dalam masyarakat

is incompatible with respecting society’s norms of propriety and decency

we are witnessing a normative claim, one that is not grounded in any particular Indonesian experience, but rather uses secular authority to create and reinforce “what Indonesians believe” about gender and sexuality.

Posted in Current Affairs, Indonesia, Islam, Politics

Syllabus Ideas: The Politics of Violence in Southeast Asia

I am in the process of putting together a syllabus for a graduate-level half-semester course on the politics of violence in Southeast Asia. The goal of such a course would be to make sense of the micro-dynamics of conflict and violence—type of violence, its spatial distribution and incidence, its causes and consequences—but also to retain a macrostructural perspective as well, how war and conflict shape state development and vice versa.

Although I recognize that conflict and violence is a subset of the broader conceptual category of contentious politics, in the interest of keeping this short class manageable I am holding off on including important works on mobilization, protest, and “weapons of the weak.” (Although someday it would be nice to create such a dedicated Southeast Asia-focused course too.)

In building this syllabus, I recognize that my own knowledge is biased towards Indonesia. So, I’m hoping that readers might be able to identify some foundational texts that I have missed. I am especially interested in books, but good edited collections like Violence and the State in Suharto’s Indonesia could be useful too. It is generally easier for me to identify interesting and important journal articles, so that is not a major concern at this stage.

Here is my working list of books and monographs.

  • Edward Aspinall, Islam and Nation: Separatist Rebellion in Aceh, Indonesia
  • Jacques Bertrand, Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in Indonesia
  • Mary Callahan, Making Enemies: War and State Building in Burma
  • Christopher Duncan, Violence and Vengeance: Religious Conflict and Its Aftermath in Eastern Indonesia
  • Benedict Kerkvliet, The Huk Rebellion: A Study of Peasant Revolt in the Philippines
  • Ben Kiernan, The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, 1975-79
  • Duncan McCargo, Tearing Apart the Land: Islam and Legitimacy in Southern Thailand
  • Geoffrey Robinson, The Dark Side of Paradise: Political Violence in Bali
  • James Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia
  • John Sidel, Riots, Pogroms, Jihad: Religious Violence in Indonesia
  • Richard Stubbs, Hearts and Minds in Guerrilla Warfare: The Malayan Emergency 1948-1960
  • Yuhki Tajima, The Institutional Origins of Communal Violence: Indonesia’s Transition from Authoritarian Rule

Amazingly, I have no entry yet on the Vietnam conflicts (Scott is something of an exception).

And in case this is not obvious, I am completely uninterested in the academic discipline of the author(s). If the subject is politics, or political, it counts.

Posted in Asia, Teaching

Plug-and-Play Statistical Models and Treatment Effects

The “credibility revolution” has transformed how social scientists think about the relationship between causal inference and statistical estimation. An active research agenda has developed over the past twenty years that seeks to reground or reformulate existing statistical models as treatment effects estimators, and Angrist and Pischke’s Mostly Harmless Econometrics is an early progress report.

Nevertheless, there are many more statistical models than there are derivations of treatment effects estimators associated with them. Treating a standard statistical model as a plug-and-play extension of a related model that does have treatment effects interpretations can be particularly dangerous. This post discusses an example.

My use of “plug-and-play” comes from my experience using standard statistical software. Once you realize that you have a dependent variable that requires a nonlinear model, nothing stops you from replacing (in Stata) reg Y X ... with (say) logit Y X .... Interpreting the results requires a bit more work, but the regression output looks about the same, and all too rarely do we actually interpret the substantive results (or care about the specificities of that interpretation). So for better or for worse, it is common to treat these as plug-and-play models. Just plug in the nonlinear model that fits your dependent variable and off you go.

The context of my example is the linear difference-in-differences model, where one compares the changes in a group that experienced a change between t1 and t2 with a group that did not experience such a change. The standard linear regression-based formulation of the model is
Y = \alpha + \beta G + \gamma T + \delta G\cdot T + \theta X + \epsilon
with G = group (treated or not), T = time (before and after the treated group got the treatment), and X are controls. The model relies on the assumption that the trend between periods in the treated group is the same as that in the control group. The model below (from Wikipedia) shows why such an assumption is commonly called “parallel trends.”

One convenient feature of the regression-based implementation of the diff-in-diff model is that the coefficient \delta, the interaction term between G and T, represents the causal quantity of interest.

Now, interaction terms in general have proven troublesome for applied researchers basically forever (cavepeople were omitting constituent terms back in the Neolithic, which is why it took so long to discover that fire required fuel and heat). But in nonlinear models they are especially challenging. Most notably, in 2003 Ai and Norton (PDF) reminded applied researchers that in nonlinear models like logit and probit, the marginal effect of an interaction term is not the same as the interaction effect. They can have different magnitudes, different levels of statistical significance, even different signs. Interaction terms in the nonlinear models cannot be interpreted as they can be as in linear models.

So what if one is interested in estimating treatment effect using a nonlinear diff-in-diff model? Say, the effect of a policy change on whether individuals attend college or not. The plug-and-play extension of the above linear regression specification will require an interaction term, just as the standard diff-in-diff model does.
Y = \Phi \{\alpha + \beta G + \gamma T + \delta G\cdot T + \theta X + \epsilon\}
It would seem that the Ai and Norton conclusions ought to extend perfectly: if the same statistical model is being used, then shouldn’t the same interpretations of interaction terms follow? However, Puhani (PDF) demonstrates that this is not true.

How? Why? Puhani and also Lechner (PDF) provide extended discussions, but the core reason is that causal effects must be defined differently when bounding the dependent variable because potential outcomes too must be bounded. One consequence, as Puhani discusses, is that \delta will necessarily have the same sign as the causal quantity of interest. But the causal quantity of interest itself is now something different than the average treatment effect as justified by a common trend assumption. Lechner’s review discusses further the challenges of invoking parallel trend assumptions in nonlinear diff-in-diff models, and suggests ways that more parametric identification assumptions may provide plausible foundations in particular applications. (The related literature is large and technical; Athey and Imbens (PDF) is one notable contribution.)

The takeaway from this discussion is that the very same statistical model must be interpreted differently when used to identify treatment effects versus summarizing partial correlations. Plug-and-play statistical models are generally dangerous in a treatment effects world. This is perhaps a further reason that many are skeptical of logit or probit as alternatives to OLS—not because the differences don’t usually matter, but because treatment effects interpretations of nonlinear models might not be obvious. The real work is in determining the conditions under which plug-and-play models are appropriate, something which new research (which uses the terminology of “plug-in estimators”) promises to do.

Posted in Research

The Moro Rebellion and Trump’s Colonial Delusion

Donald Trump’s comments last night about the American suppression of Muslim Filipinos and Black Jack Pershing‘s alleged torture and slaughter of Moro prisoners has earned him his latest round of condemnation. In a campaign season full of horrific language, this still manages to take my breath away.

Most of the most vocal outrage is against the careless repetition of an old rumor which has no factual basis. To his credit, his GOP opponent Marco Rubio raises the more fundamental point that the message of the story is terrible. It is not just that the rumor is probably untrue. Why would anyone want it to be true?

Still, there is much more to this story, things that have escaped notice. Notice first that Trump managed to deliver this anecdote without ever referring to the place or the context. Not once. “They had a terrorism problem” is all he says. But who is “they”? The American colonial authorities in the occupied southern Philippines. Who are the “terrorists”? The Moro insurgents. That Muslims might reasonably favor not being a colonial possession does not even occur to the audience, because like most Americans, I suspect, they have no idea that the United States ever actually held overseas colonies (it still does, but that’s a story for another time and place, like here).

Even more frustrating is that the very premise of the false anecdote is false. Even if soldiers actually did dip bullets in pigs blood and slaughter prisoners of war, such a move to frighten the Moro insurgents did not actually work. What did work to quell the insurgency, instead, was (1) the promise of eventual independence, and (2) significant development efforts and legal reforms. Of course, this makes less of a story, that you defeat insurgents by acceding to most of their demands.

Fortunately, all of this comes just a couple days before we cover the American colonial regime in the Philippines in my Southeast Asian Politics course. We will have lots to cover.

Posted in Asia, Current Affairs, Politics, Teaching
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