Category: Economics

  • The Chinese Growth Differential

    This months dramatic volatility in the Chinese stock market has raised the question once more about after twenty years of breakneck economic growth, China’s growth trajectory is sustainable. Many consider a correction of some sort to be inevitable (see for example Brad Delong here). One strategy to look for signs that this is happening is to look at various indicators of economic activity within China, as James Hamilton has done. It is also useful, though, to step back a bit to see what we think Chinese growth ought to look like given what we know about economic growth in the rest of the world.

    I’ve done this by creating an empirical model of economic growth for all countries except for China. The model looks like this:

    gyt-t0 = yit0 + Xit + Dt + Dr

    where gyt-t0 is annual (geometric) growth in real GDP per capita over a five year period, yit0 is the initial level of real GDP per capita for that five year period, and Xit are the five-year averages of the other determinants of economic growth. Dt and Dr are period and region fixed effects, respectively. I’ve done this two ways, both including and excluding time and region effects. Naturally, country fixed effects would be nice, but including them effectively precludes me from being able to predict how Chinese growth might differ from growth elsewhere. So to be clear, any distinctive “Chinese” growth effect is captured in the “East Asia” dummy.

    These are what I’d call “appropriately naive Barro regressions.” They follow in the spirit of Barro’s classic Determinants of Economic Growth in modeling economic growth as a function of initial per capita GDP in levels plus measures of human capital, government policy, macroeconomic conditions, and regime type. They differ in that they do not even attempt to untangle issues of causality. No three-stage least squares using lags, colonial history, and regional dummies as instruments, or anything of the sort. Hence these regressions are “naive,” but that is “appropriate.”

    Using data from the World Development Indicators augmented by some additional variables from the QoG dataset, I estimated the two models described above for all countries in the world except for China. I then predicted what Chinese growth would look like using actual data from China. This gives us yearly predictions: in any year, given China’s level of per capita GDP and other variables, what is our best guess about its rate of growth in that year?

    I have plotted the resulting predictions here. The black series is the prediction that includes region and time effects, and the blue series ignores these. The red solid line is China’s actual economic growth.
    growth
    As you can see, since 1991 China has grown far faster than the appropriately naive model predicts. What is also true, though, is that the differences between China’s predicted and actual growth rates are narrowing considerably since 2011. This might be interpreted as a reversion to the “predicted” growth path based on the cross-national experience of the past forty years. What we observe, then, is a “Chinese growth differential.”
    differential
    That differential was lower in 2014 than it had been since the aftermath of Tiananmen.

    There are some other interesting things to note. The standard neoclassical growth model predicts convergence, in which countries growth rates slow as their GDPs rise. As Barro showed, the data do not support this simple story; they instead support a story of conditional convergence in which countries growth rates slow conditional on macroeconomic and political conditions (although see Rodrik recently and Quah not-so-recently for other views). The blue and black lines in the first graph above show a gentle increase in predicted growth rates. One interpretation of this is that, in a conditional convergence world, changes in living standards in China have actually outpacing the increases in GDP as determinants of economic growth. A wealthier China in 2010 should grow faster than China of 1990 due to the rapid increases in health and education.

    What does this mean? Recall that this prediction model cannot account for anything particular to China. So as a result it cannot tell us if any such Chinese particularity is durable or not, or if recent growth has been atypical relative to what China’s growth should be like. The estimated differential is relative to a counterfactual of all other countries’ growth experiences, not relative to some counterfactual version of China.

    But if we hold that caveat aside, as well as the problems of causal identification in naive (but appropriate!) growth regressions, it confirms that slower Chinese growth is to be expected. The interesting part is how this interacts with current events, in particular China’s stock market crisis and its political fallout. None of the above predictions suggests that a stock collapse is inevitable, but such a collapse might indeed hasten the shift toward to a more modest growth path. Check back in six months to see if that is the understatement of the year.

    NOTES

    For R code to produce these graphs, please see the first comment. Here are the full model results for Model 1 and Model 2.

    Dependent variable:
    growth
    (1) (2)
    log(GDPPC.Initial) -0.520*** -0.702***
    (0.093) (0.121)
    Fixed Capital Formation 0.154*** 0.153***
    (0.010) (0.010)
    Gov Final Cons Exp -0.060*** -0.055***
    (0.012) (0.011)
    Trade/GDP 0.008*** 0.011***
    (0.002) (0.002)
    Inflation -0.003*** -0.003***
    (0.0003) (0.0003)
    Life Expectancy 0.036** 0.036*
    (0.017) (0.021)
    Secondary Enrollment Rate 0.005 0.003
    (0.005) (0.006)
    Polity2 Score 0.043*** 0.044***
    (0.015) (0.017)
    Constant -0.054 3.199**
    (0.863) (1.244)
    Observations 867 867
    R2 0.377 0.454
    Adjusted R2 0.372 0.438
    Residual Std. Error 2.447 (df = 858) 2.314 (df = 841)
    F Statistic 65.009*** (df = 8; 858) 27.992*** (df = 25; 841)
    Note: *p<0.1; **p<0.05; ***p<0.01
  • On the Disruption of GO-JEK

    Back in 2004, when JMP and I were living in Jakarta, we often used Pesan Delivery [= order delivery] to get our favorite food delivered to our apartment. It was great, just call and tell them what you want and from where, then delivered to your door in 45 minutes—which is unbelievable given Jakarta traffic. You could even mix and match, Izzi Pizza for JMP and Ganesha ek Sanskriti for me. Pesan Delivery relied on the ubiquity of the motorbike in urban Indonesia. Motorcycle taxis called ojek are a common mode of transport for middle class Indonesians, and many delivery firms use motorbikes to deliver office documents, food, groceries, and other small items.

    That was many years ago. Now, the new player in Jakarta is a company called GO-JEK. Think Uber + Instacart on motorbikes, plus they’ll perform Pesan Delivery’s service of picking up some food too. They guarantee delivery within 90 minutes anywhere in Jabodetabek, which seems absolutely impossible to me. They have completely embraced the Bay Area marketing lingo, translated into Indonesian. From the FAQ:

    GO-JEK adalah perusahaan berjiwa sosial yang memimpin revolusi industri transportasi Ojek.

    ==

    GO-JEK is a social enterprise that’s leading a revolution in the ojek transportation industry.

    Interestingly, the English language version of the FAQ makes a totally different claim to an English-speaking clientele.

    GO-JEK is a social enterprise that partners with a group of experienced and trustworthy ojek drivers to deliver a one-stop-shop convenience service for Indonesians.

    Fitra Faisal discusses how GO-JEK reflects a long-overdue wave of disruptive innovation in Indonesia, and predicts that GO-JEK will be the ultimate winner. It’s clear that GO-JEK fills a market niche. But it’s interesting to think just how and what GO-JEK disrupts. Contrary to the classic examples of disruptive technologies like the automobile or Facebook, GO-JEK isn’t disrupting an inefficient monopoly of established firms that’s failing to innovate. Rather, GO-JEK brings a modern corporate structure to a disorganized and unregulated market of individual transactions between ojek drivers and their clients. Such individual transactions are episodic, impersonal, uncertain, and therefore massively inefficient, subject to all sorts of transactions costs. GO-JEK makes each transaction regular, personal, and therefore much more efficient.

    Here’s what I mean. There is nothing about GO-JEK that is actually innovative as a service. GO-JEK drivers don’t drive faster, or know the lay of the land in Jakarta any better, than other ojek drivers. If GO-JEK can get you somewhere in 90 minutes, than the guy on the corner can too. It’s also been true that you can hail an ojek driver and ask him to do you an errand on his bike for a fee, something that I’ve done once or twice. Other services like Pesan Delivery could get you your food.

    But I never ever use ojek and only on the rarest occasion will hire a driver to do an errand. Why? Because how can you trust a driver to get you somewhere safely? What’s the right price? How can he trust you that you’ll pay him (in my experience, drivers are universally men)?

    Now, this doesn’t mean that the ojek market fails to function. It works, it’s just inefficient. In the best of cases, a kind of norm can emerge. If you take an ojek from the same place to the same place over months, you can learn what the right cost is, and perhaps a local thug has carved out control over a street corner to regulate which drivers get to drive from there so you can get repeat transactions with the same drivers. But this is rare, and there is still massive uncertainty. To whom do you complain if your ojek driver gets you muddy? What if it’s raining and all the ojek are engaged already—a real concern in Jakarta?

    GO-JEK works because it standardizes and regulates the chaotic market for motorbike services, which is literally hundreds of thousands of transactions every day in Jakarta alone. Yes, it has community rating of drivers. The firm’s value, though, is that it provides you with a driver, in a uniform, who gives you a transparent price and transparent service, and who is accountable to someone other than you.

    That’s worth quite a bit. But it’s not a disruptive innovation, it’s just a corporation selling a consistent product. And it is popular for all the reasons that chains are popular everywhere. (See e.g. my old review of Bakmi GM.)