Category: Current Affairs

  • The ECB's Bold Move and Real Support for the Euro

    The ECB’s recent announcement that it would provide unlimited support for the sovereign bonds of struggling Euro economies through Outright Monetary Transactions (OMTs) is a big deal. A really big deal. Let me illustrate by borrowing the words of a European colleague—a macroeconomist himself—as we walked into the office this morning. (He will remain nameless.)

    Imagine that you woke up this morning and learned that the Fed had announced that it would buy an unlimited amount of bonds issued by the state of California. In return, it gained the ability to dictate to California’s state government, more or less, how it could run its public finances, its pension system, and so on.

    That’s what is at stake with yesterday’s announcement. It has the potential to be the largest transfer of sovereignty from European national governments to the EU bureaucracy that we have seen in 20 years. My colleague spoke of this ominously—“you’re really starting to mess with democracy now”—and this means a lot coming from a Belgian!

    I say potentially because it’s not yet clear that the OMTs will be effective, because the ECB still faces a credibility problem: unlimited bond purchases will be effective in the event that bond markets believe that both national governments and the ECB are committed to doing whatever it takes to implement the fiscal compact. There are multiple equilibria in this scenario, one in which the ECB starts managing national budgets, and another in which the ECB spends a ton of money for naught.

    I sense that the ECB is pretty darn committed, and I sense that national governments are similarly committed. But what about ordinary people? Over the past year I have spoken about this with friends, colleagues, and acquaintances from Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, France, Italy, Spain, and Portugal. (I have had no conversations with Greek colleagues about this, a point to which I will return below.) What I hear from the Spanish and Portuguese is that there is simply no choice: their countries must remain in the Euro. Full stop. There is no choice.

    But Europeans do have a choice. With characteristic dry wit, my Belgian macroeconomist colleague put it like this:

    They always ask “do you want to stay in the Euro?” Well of course they do. But they need to ask “do you want to stay in the Euro and have a recession for twenty years?” Because that’s what they are facing.

    I’m pretty sure he’s exaggerating for effect, but not too much, and the point still stands. The statistic that I would like to know is the real support for the Euro in the PIIGS when individuals are forced to recognize the costs associated with remaining in the Euro. Ideally, we’d have some sort of survey item where respondents are asked how many years of economic contraction, price adjustment, and structural reform they would be willing to accept in exchange for staying in the Euro, and then we would examine the distribution of responses to that question. An answer of 0 years would indicate that the respondent does not support the Euro at all, 1 year would indicate very weak support, 5 years would indicate pretty strong support, 100 years would indicate nearly unconditional support.

    Is there any research out there that gets at this? If not, anyone want to work on it with me? I am serious, but I need colleagues from the PIIGS to do it.

    A small addendum on Greece. I have not spoken about the Euro crisis with any Greek colleagues or friends. But I am struck by how in conversations with Spanish and Portuguese friends, there is a nearly unanimous sentiment that whatever their economic troubles, they are of a different dimension than the Greeks’ troubles. For them, Greece is the real European basketcase, while Spain and Portugal simply have big problems and a long road of recovery ahead. I mention this not because I believe that it is true or false, but simply because it speaks of the ways in which Europeans themselves conceive of the Euro’s troubles. Greek readers, I’d love to hear your reactions.

  • Chinese Indonesians, Then and Now

    A hot issue in Indonesia right now is the gubernatorial race in the Jakarta Capital District. The race pits incumbent governor Fauzi Bowo and Nachrowi Ramli (Foke-Nara) versus Joko Widido and Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Jokowi-Ahok). Ahok is Chinese Indonesian, and Christian. And that has been interpreted by some in Indonesia (like the ridiculous Rhoma Irama) as unacceptable, a fact which I, myself, find unacceptable.

    Soe Tjen Marching has a nice commentary in a piece (registration required) on Chinese Indonesians at Koran Tempo, which you can also read for free at IndoPROGRESS. Unfortunately for non-specialists, it’s in Indonesian. Here’s how it starts.

    Apa Beda Marissa Haque dan Ahok atau Basuki Tjahaja Purnama? Banyak.  Tentunya tidak perlu saya sebutkan lagi. Tapi, apa persamaannya? Mereka sama-sama mencalonkan diri menjadi wakil Gubernur (Banten dan Jakarta). Marissa dengan leluasa menyatakan tentang kakeknya, Siraj Ul Haque, yang berasal dari Uttar Pradesh, India Utara. Bahkan dalam salah satu blognya, dijelaskan bahwa kakeknya adalah orang India asli, sedangkan ayah mereka adalah orang Pakistan. Namun, ini tidak menjadi masalah. Marissa Haque tetap orang Indonesia. Bandingkan Marissa dengan Ahok. Berkali-kali Ahok menekankan bahwa dia adalah orang Indonesia.  Seakan dia harus berjuang hanya untuk mendapat pengakuan untuk hal yang satu ini.  PR yang tidak perlu dikerjakan oleh Marissa saat ia mencalonkan diri sebagai Wagub.

    What are the differences between Marissa Haque and Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a.k.a. Ahok? Lots. I needn’t say much more. But what are the similarities?  They both are candidates to be Vice Governor (Banten and Jakarta). Marissa openly notes that her grandfather, Siraj Ul Haque, comes from Uttar Pradesh. In fact, in a blog post, it was revealed that her grandfather was an Indian, while dad was Pakistani. But no problem. Marissa Haque is still an Indonesian. Compare Marissa with Ahok. Over and over again, Ahok emphasizes that he is an Indonesian. He has to struggle even to get people to recognize that. This type of PR isn’t necessary for Marissa as she campaigns to be Vice Governor.

    The rest of the piece is an interesting and at times personal commentary on the problems that Chinese Indonesians face in Indonesia today: problems of recognition as Indonesians, problems which other “non-indigenous” Indonesians whose ancestors hail from the Middle East or South Asia never face. She makes a point that the Dutch colonial government’s policy of identifying Chinese migrants as either indigenous (pribumi, at that time Inlander) or Chinese, and forcing them to choose appears to have had a long lasting effect: Rasisme yang ditanamkan oleh pemerintah kolonial Belanda = the racism that was planted by the Dutch colonial government. This despite the fact that many, many Indonesians probably have at least a smidgen of Chinese, Indian, Arab, Persian, Dutch, or Portuguese ancestry.

    (I’d emphasize that that is probably even more true in places like Jakarta. For instance, without commenting too much about  what we can conclude from people’s appearance, take a good look at Nachrowi Ramli, a typical example of what Indonesians call the “Betawi” or “Batavian” ethnic group.)

    But Dutch racism cannot explain everything. The Indies had plenty of non-Chinese foreign populations, and on the whole, these other foreign Easterners (andere vreemde Oosterlingen) have assimilated much more easily. The Chinese are uniquely excluded here, which is exactly why Marissa Haque is an interesting foil for Ahok.

    Building on that observation, I have been working over the past months on two projects that look at ethnicity in Indonesia, one which looks at ethnic heterogeneity across the archipelago, and another that focuses on foreign migration to colonial Java. With an undergraduate RA, I recently compiled some data from the 1930s census of colonial Java, which allows me to count, as of 1930, the number of Chinese in any district (today this is approximately the kecamatan). Here are the top five by Chinese population and the top five by percentage Chinese.

    District Regency Chinese Population (1930)
    1. Batavia Batavia 47087
    2. Soerabaia Soerabaia 36866
    3. Semarang Semarang 27423
    4. Weltevreden Batavia 24601
    5. Tangerang Batavia 19734

    Batavia, now divided between the provinces of Jakarta Capital District and Banten, really had a lot of Chinese people. This is also true in percentage terms.

    District Regency Percent Chinese (1930)
    1. Batavia Batavia 25.4
    2. Semarang Soerabaia 12.6
    3. Soerabaia Soerabaia 11.9
    4. Maoek Batavia 10.9
    5. Weltevreden Batavia 9.8

    There is, unfortunately, no source of comparable data for the “outer islands.” Within Java, there is a pretty strong correlation between Chinese settlement and settlement by the “other foreign Easterners.” More on this some other time.

    But moving ahead, we know that today there are still lots of Chinese, in Jakarta and elsewhere. The 2000 census counted roughly 2,300,000 Chinese in Indonesia, with the most concentrated in the following kecamatan (all urban) areas

    Kecamatan Kabupaten Percent Chinese (2000)
    1. Pasiran Kota Singkawang 43.3
    2. Tujuh Belas Bengkayang 15.3
    3. Taman Sari Jakarta Barat 15.1
    4. Tanjung Balai Selatan Tanjung Balai 15.0
    5. Pontianak Selatan Pontianak 12.9

    Recall that these only count Indonesians with “Chinese” on their ID card who identify as Chinese rather than something else. There is essentially no mechanism in the census that I’m aware of to allow people to reveal the fact that grandma or grandpa was Chinese, and even if there were, I’m not sure people would want to, or even that everyone knows. (I tried this once in a survey and didn’t get anywhere.)

    What I find interesting of the criticisms of Ahok is that they tend not to specifically identify his ethnic background as the problem, although there are some exceptions. Instead, they focus primarily on the fact that he is Christian. I tend not to infer too much from the nasty things that Indonesian public figures say during campaigns—Foke-Nara are behind in the polls, and like all politicians everywhere they have handlers and hangers-on who say ignorant things because they think that they are helping—but it is interesting that the language that the anti-Jokowi-Ahok crowd has settled on is more religious than ethnic in tone. Even if Christian is just broadly understood to be a code word for Chinese in this context, it’s still interesting, because Indonesian politicians have historically not been too shy about speaking out against Chinese Indonesians.

    It is also interesting because Jokowi-Ahok is supported by Partai Gerindra, founded by Prabowo Subianto, Soeharto’s son-in-law and a former general who many hold at least partially responsible for the anti-Chinese riots in Jakarta in 1998.